The Rise of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA)

This analysis argues that the DSA’s rise – driven by demographic shifts, economic concentration, and the failure of the Western redemptive egregore – is not an organic grassroots movement but the next iteration of controlled opposition. The DSA is permitted and amplified by the apex because it offers a redemptive container for popular resentment while remaining structurally incapable of threatening the apex itself. Its policies will follow the COVID template: concentrating wealth at the top, distributing a fraction to the lower classes, and eviscerating the upper-middle class.

Welcome back. This is a politics and culture level post about the upcoming rise of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), which currently has a nominal presence nationwide (Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Rashida Tlaib in the House, Bernie Sanders in the Senate, Mamdani as NYC mayor with an expanding presence, plus various city council seats, using taxpayer funds illicitly to boost their efforts). In 2025, there are over 250 DSA members in office with 90% elected after 2019, and others are poised: Chris Rabb won the Philadelphia primary for Congress and Melat Kiros won a Colorado Congressional primary, Janeese Lewis George is the DSA front-runner to become mayor of D.C., and Nithya Raman is one of the finalists to become mayor of Los Angeles (after massive vote-by-mail fraud, even though she had already publicly and tearfully acknowledged defeat), while portions of $177 million of taxpayer funds are being redirected to DSA causes, including to elect a DSA city attorney, a strategy being effectively in various races nationwide.

The premise of this post – which is early as a prediction, given the DSA’s almost total lack of national presence at this time – is that the DSA’s rise is not organic but will likely be the next iteration of controlled opposition, selected and amplified by upper elites because it offers the population a redemptive narrative (class/race-based smash and grab) while leaving the apex of power untouched. Their purpose – as cyberneticist Stafford Beer argued, the purpose of a thing is what it does – is to distribute 90% of what is smash and grabbed1 to political and administrative class allies, the remaining 10% to the lower class, while leaving the area controlled a smoking ruin while blaming the victims for the area’s decline. This is roughly equivalent to “race communism” – identity-based expropriation, where demographic composition is leveraged to justify the kinetic liquidation of mid-tier capital.2 They are building locally before focusing on a national level, and this prediction is on a decades-level and not the next election cycle – per City Journal, “Rather than supporting candidates at the national level, the organization increasingly focuses on small, local elections. Races for city councils, state assemblies, and state senates often get scarce media attention but represent real opportunities for power that the DSA is increasingly seizing.” In other words, the DSA will absorb the kinetic energy of popular resentment, redistribute a small fraction of it, provide a larger fraction to allies, and leave the actual apex of capital entirely undisturbed. Just as the world today looks radically different than only a decade ago – the rise and fall of right-wing populism into a skinsuited monstrosity, the wealth gap increasing massively, the intentional restructuring of the Middle East, etc., the world a decade from now is likely to be far darker than what can be imagined in the present.

To understand why the DSA’s rise is structurally overdetermined, one may look at it through the framework of the failing Western egregore. In previous essays, I established that the highest-layer egregore of the West has been fundamentally redemptive – first via Christianity (the privatio boni), and later via its secular mutations (liberalism, progressivism, communism, the arc of history bending toward justice). These redemptive egregores functioned as collective cybernetic regulators, offering meaning, belonging, and a narrative of ultimate resolution. But as the material evidence of their failure has accumulated, these egregores have entered a rupture phase. The stabilizers of the population are failing.

The system, however, cannot tolerate a population that is entirely unregulated (and neither can most of the people themselves). It requires a new container to absorb the crucifixion of opposites. Enter the DSA. Its rise is structurally overdetermined by demographic shifts (increasingly black, brown, and far-left youth), economic concentration (the largest wealth gap in history), elite management of the noetic commons (alternatives have been systematically shut down), and worldwide declining energy return on energy invested (EROEI), which produces chaos and radicalization. But the DSA is not a socialist movement in a meaningful material sense; it is a redemptive egregore, a collective regulatory architecture emerging from shared attention toward a common symbolic object. It offers narrative meaning (”we are the truth-tellers fighting the oligarchy”), status (“let’s take what’s ours”), and esteem (”we are the brave ones”) to a cohort whose existing stabilizers (based on society and history as continued progress) have collapsed. But because it is a managed, apex-approved egregore, its regulatory architecture is intentionally capped. The DSA’s policies will not reduce the gap between the apex and the bottom; they will dramatically increase the gap between the apex and classes below them (much as occurred during COVID, for example3). This is the structural function of controlled opposition: to channel popular resentment into policies that eviscerate the more independently minded, business-owning upper-middle and upper class wealth ($2M–$1B+ net worth) while leaving the upper elites ($100B+) untouched, all in managed furtherance of the upper elite longterm plan toward the digital panopticon, neoliberal feudalism and Greater Israel, articulated in this prior three-part series.

The controlled opposition thesis is not new – Mullins, Preparata, and others have described the mechanism in conventional political terms. What the egregore framework adds is a causal account of why the mechanism works so reliably: it works because the population is not passively manipulated into accepting a new container, it desperately generates the demand for one. When the Western redemptive egregore enters rupture phase – when the privatio boni promise (suffering is temporary, the arc bends toward justice, alignment with the Good is possible) fails to match lived experience – the psychic energy previously metabolized by that container becomes kinetically available. The apex does not create this energy, it captures and directs it. The DSA is a real expression of real resentment. What makes it controlled opposition is not that the resentment is fake but that the proposed solution is architecturally capped, designed to absorb the energy without redirecting it toward the actual apex of the system generating the resentment. Understanding this distinction matters because it explains why the DSA will feel authentic to its participants even as it performs its structural function. The energy is genuine while the container is managed.

The policies that would actually decentralize power and restore local metabolic autonomy – evicting tens of millions of illegals, strong antitrust action against megacorps, disbanding the Federal Reserve, ending fractional reserve banking, rural development – are structurally impossible because they would threaten the apex directly.4 Therefore, the DSA is permitted, even encouraged, to grow. It is likely to be the next iteration of the pattern: a movement allowed to rise under observation, acting as a pressure valve for the meaning-regulated and esteem-regulated, ensuring that the actual levers of cybernetic control remain firmly in the hands of the apex, which will be ultimately absorbed, skinsuited, or destroyed depending on its utility to the apex network.

Lets walk through the confluence of factors driving the DSA’s rise, the structural reasons its policies will fail to deliver what they promise, and what this reveals about the nature of elite control in the neoliberal feudal era.


Factors Affecting the DSA’s Rise

  1. The American youth are increasingly black, brown, and far-leftist.By 2050, non-Hispanic White children are projected to comprise only 42% of the population age 5-17. The U.S., in other words, is rapidly becoming a “majority-minority nation” (an Orwellian expression), where the white youth is declining not just as a percentage but in absolute numbers.A recent national telephone and online survey found that 53% of likely U.S. voters 18-39 would like to see a democratic socialist candidate win the 2028 presidential election. Another recent Cato and YouGov survey shows that 62% of American adults under 30 hold a favorable view of socialism, with 34% showing favorable sentiments toward communism. This marks a steep climb from past polls, where a 2019 Gallup survey found only 52% of 18–34-year-olds had a favorable view of socialism. The shift is sharper among younger cohorts, a trend confirmed in multiple studies.
  2. This increased radicalization is due to a number of factors, including educational institutions that frame Western history primarily through narratives of oppression, immigration policies that have dramatically reshaped the demographic composition of the country (~20 million illegals let in under Biden administration alone, with relatively few deported under Trump), and cultural narratives that discourage family formation and traditional identity, collapsing birth rates. The effect is a generation that feels rootless, resentful, and open to radical redistributionist solutions. While socialism itself is not racially coded – Nordic countries like Denmark and Sweden have worker-led economies and strong safety nets – its use within the U.S. is anti-white encoded, encouraging group dynamics which the blogger Spandrell termed bioleninism and which he discussed in this 2018 post. This is why a 2022 Pew poll found socialism was viewed favorably by 52% of Black, 49% of Asian, and 41% of Hispanic respondents, compared to just 31% of white respondents.
  3. The rich/poor gap is the greatest it has ever been, tied in large part to unlimited monetary printing, with unstated but strong actual inflation at likely 10-20% per year, which fuels impulses toward smash and grab socialism – if you’re boxed out of careers, wealth building and home ownership, who cares if the system burns down? According to NPR, young Americans worry about inflation, housing costs, and economic stagnation, factors driving them toward options that promise security. At the same time, the loyalty of the boomer generation to the establishment is firm because of artificially inflated home values and locked in low interest rates, social security, Medicair and Medicaid, which are scheduled to run out of funds as they die.
  4. The stock market, despite being the highest of all time, is increasingly concentrated in only a small number of companies. If the bubble pops, boomers will demand whatever steps are necessary to re-inflate the bubble, as they live on the consumption derived from that bubble. They will demand action regardless of longterm consequences. A collapsing stock market will benefit the party out of power, i.e. Democrats. The bubble inflation/deflation strategy has been used in the 1929 crash to expand government and set the stage for World War 25, and in Japan to entrench a privately controlled central bank.
  5. Alternative solutions have been intentionally shut down by the elites. The “far right” perspective – Trump 2016, the alt right – has been intentionally shut down by the elites (Charlottesville, 1/6), and Trump 2.0 – heavily corrupt (with $1.4 billion in 2025 bribes via crypto alone and massive insider trading, with 3,600 stock trades in the first 3 months of 2026 alone), establishment-oriented and Zionist – is deeply unpopular, where Trump, despite a stock market at the highest of all time, has close to the lowest popularity of any time of his presidency.6 The media focus on his corruption is also intentional to further depress the right-wing base. The establishment right (Bush) had blown through its credibility, and the establishment left (Obama, Biden, Kamala) has as well; alternatives such as the open internet via Wikileaks were shut down with Julian Assange thrown into prison. Other observable patterns of network manipulation include the Tea Party movement, Occupy Wall Street, and even Facebook were allowed to grow under observation, then undermined, skin-suited, destroyed or absorbed once their utility was exhausted, but this is a long-running pattern from both the left and the right (Huey Long, JFK, Joseph McCarthy, Barry Goldwater, etc.). We will return to this point, but the upper elites guide society by weakening and shutting down disapproved alternatives to the path that they want a society or country to go down, and they’ve left no other path open other than race communism – the right is entirely dispirited. (This, too, perhaps explains the assassination of Charlie Kirk, who had enough brand strength and increasing independence to potentially initiate a civic nationalist, non-racial anti-Zionist movement – an alternative path forcibly shut down.)
  6. We can see inklings of the upper elite shift of funding and support toward the DSA based on Soros funding $40 million to Mamdani (also see here), the large funding differential in favor the DSA figure over the establishment figure in the Maine Senate election (despite Platner’s many controversies), based on intense Reddit bot astroturfing in favor of the DSA, etc. Follow the money; as Eustace Mullins pointed out, the upper elites control all public sides of an issue (the disapproved are banned from the public space and their funding totally cut off, like Andrew Anglin and Owen Benjamin, discussed in this three-part series, and so-called anti-establishment organizations are secretly controlled7), and they dictate who wins by increasing or decreasing funding.8 A savvy friend made this point in a more informal context.9 I would also note that the combination of nationwide vote-by-mail (which just received the stamp of approval by the Supreme Court) and ballot harvesting, which is easy to commit fraud via multiple vectors, along with extremely sophisticated information control on the internet via bot use, artificial intelligence, algorithmic sorting and narrative amplification or suppression via censorship intensely tips the scales in elite-approved directions.Alex Soros, son of billionaire megadonor George Soros, congratulates Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani on his New York City election victory.
  7. Energy return on energy invested (EROEI) for oil and natural gas, which runs the modern world, continues its decline, while other natural resources continue toward exhaustion. EROEI used to be 100:1 and is quickly declining to 10:1. As EROEI declines, quality of life declines, which encourages chaos and radicalization. The Honest Sorcerer regularly covers declining EROEI problems, as does Grundvilk.
  8. The DSA’s specific ideological flavor serves a secondary, eschatological function for the apex network. In a previous series, I argued that multi-generational upper elites require a binding glue – a highest-order regulatory architecture – to maintain cohesion across decades. The framework that has passed the selection pressure for this specific apex network is one possessing three structural features: non-redemptive theology (power does not need to justify itself via outcomes), infinite interpretive flexibility (any action can be reframed as necessary), and ontological hierarchy (exploitable lower tiers without moral contradiction). This framework carries a specific eschatological checklist: the ingathering of the diaspora, the establishment of Greater Israel, and the rebuilding of the Third Temple. If the apex network is guided by the eschatological stabilizer described in the prior series, then the DSA’s specific function becomes legible as an operational input for that stabilizer. The DSA’s “race communism” and manufactured, ratcheting10 anti-semitism would therefore be seen as efficient effectuators for this checklist. Controlled anti-semitism, deniable as organic and grassroots, provides the precise kinetic pressure required to drive the diaspora back to the centralized hub, while the DSA’s anti-Israel posture provides the required political cover and plausible deniability for the apex network executing the expansion. This is not asserted as proven fact but as a structural corollary that follows from the premises of the earlier analysis.

Analysis

As mentioned in #5, the upper elites guide society by weakening and shutting down disapproved alternatives to the path that they want a society or country to go down, and the only available path they’ve left open is a redistributionist one that channels resentment into policies that eviscerate the upper-middle class while leaving the apex untouched. This path is coded as racial justice, but its structural function is the same.

This brings to mind Lenin’s comments on Pyotr Stolypin, who I covered in the past, where he discussed the notion of societal developmental paths. After Stolypin – who was pursuing highly successful agricultural reforms benefitting Russia’s middle class – was assassinated, Lenin in the Paris newspaper “Social-Democrat” on 31 October 1911 wrote “Stolypin and the Revolution”, calling for the “mortification of the uber-lyncher”, saying: ″Stolypin tried to pour new wine into old bottles, to reshape the old autocracy into a bourgeois monarchy; and the failure of Stolypin’s policy is the failure of tsarism on this last, the last conceivable, road for tsarism.” He reiterated this in 1912 comments: “This ‘reform’, of course, gave dying serfdom a new lease of life…The “new lease of life” given by Stolypin to the old order and old feudal agriculture lies in the fact that another valve was opened, the last that could still be opened without expropriating all the landed estates.” Guido Preparata noted in his amazing Conjuring Hitler, discussed here, how the British and global capitalism intentionally worked to bring the Bolsheviks to power – financing the White opposition until undermining it – and to bring Hitler to power by undermining alternatives. This is, indeed, one of the primary functions of intelligence work – control all sides, undermine the disfavored sides, and clear the path for the favored side to play its role. The ongoing Ukraine/Russia war today can be seen as a slow-moving vehicle to move Russia toward fragmentation/disintegration by shutting down alternatives, a process which is far advanced.

The parallel to the DSA is structural rather than ideological. Stolypin’s land reform represented the last available path that could have preserved the existing order while addressing genuine peasant resentment, and it was closed by assassination before it could succeed. The DSA represents the last available path that the apex is willing to permit for absorbing working-class resentment, and it is permitted precisely because it cannot succeed in the one way that would matter: it cannot close the wealth gap between the apex and everyone below it because doing so would require dismantling the fractional reserve banking system, the regulatory capture apparatus, and the asset-inflation mechanism that the apex’s position depends on. It is Stolypin’s reform in reverse: not the last road that could save the old order, but the last road that can be offered without threatening the new one.

Meanwhile, the upper elites own the mass media apparatus that manipulates the noetic commons, determining where and how the public’s attention is directed. The public’s interest in Jeffrey Epstein has waned. The media has been instructed not to cover the aggressive expansion of Israel into Lebanon, or to discuss the Gaza ethnic cleanse. It was instructed not to cover the 20 million illegals funneled into the United States during Biden’s puppet regime, or the national vote-by-mail apparatus constructed during the fraud of COVID. The noetic commons is managed not primarily through censorship of disapproved content, though that occurs, but through differential amplification: approved narratives receive algorithmic promotion, funding, institutional validation, and media repetition; disapproved narratives are not banned but starved of the attention infrastructure that would allow them to form stable egregores of their own. The DSA is increasingly benefiting from this differential amplification while its opponents on both the genuine left and the genuine right do not. The masses will accept any and all of the circular media amplification lies because underneath it all lies the horrors of the Void, and people will do anything in their power to avoid thinking about it, no matter if the sound and fury is detrimental to one’s interests.11


Conclusion

Those who have great wealth and mobility will be able to avoid the consequences of increasing DSA race communism. For example, on California’s ballot for 2026 is a “billionaire tax” retroactive to January 1, yet Google co-founders Sergey Brin and Larry Page shifted their assets out of the state, while Brin cut his New York losses for six cents on the dollar (while among the most wealthy individuals in the world, they do not come close to upper elite Rothschild and co. wealth, discussed by esc here, whose power does not require shifting wealth around in this manner, it is embedded in the structure of the financial network itself). Gavin Newsom whined that such policies needed to be implemented on a national level or it would result in continued wealth fleeing the state, which is true, but these same ultra-wealthy individuals will flee the country before allowing their wealth to be taxed (although they will park their wealth in tax-free states like Florida in the meantime).

The falsifiable predictions embedded in this analysis and necessary for my recursive prediction model are specific. Over the next decade DSA candidates will continue winning local and then state-level offices, funded by a coalition that includes nominally anti-establishment money. Their policies where implemented will follow the COVID template – dramatically concentrating wealth at the apex while appearing to target it, with administrative class intermediaries capturing the majority of redistributed resources. The wealth gap between the apex ($100B+) and the upper-middle and upper classes ($2M-$1B) will increase under DSA governance, not decrease. The apex will not be meaningfully taxed, regulated, or threatened by any DSA policy in any jurisdiction where the DSA achieves power. If these predictions fail – if DSA governance produces genuine wealth redistribution that closes the gap between the apex and everyone below it – the controlled opposition thesis is wrong and will be updated accordingly.

Furthermore, as a structural correlate of this alignment, DSA governance will implicitly or explicitly facilitate the conditions required by the apex network’s eschatological stabilizer: DSA-led municipalities will be at the forefront of dismantling local security and social cohesion in ways that accelerate diaspora Jewish out-migration toward the centralized hub, while DSA foreign policy postures will be weaponized to provide political cover for the expansion of Greater Israel, even as DSA grassroots rhetoric professes opposition to it.

This analysis does not imply that DSA voters or participants are stupid, evil, or uniquely manipulated. The resentment driving DSA support is accurate as a diagnosis – the wealth gap is real, the system is predatory, the existing alternatives have failed or been closed. The framework explains why this accurate diagnosis is being channeled into a solution architecturally incapable of addressing it, and why that channeling serves the interests of the apex being diagnosed. The participants are not wrong about the problem, they are being offered a solution that preserves the problem while providing the psychological satisfaction of resistance. This is the standard function of controlled opposition in any historical period, and it requires participants who are genuinely aggrieved, not manufactured ones.

The uncomfortable implication of the egregore framework applied here is that there is no clean exit from this dynamic at the collective level. The population requires a container for the crucifixion of opposites, and when one container fails another will be provided or spontaneously generated. The DSA will either be absorbed into the system – as Occupy Wall Street was, as the Tea Party was, as the alt-right was – or it will be permitted to implement enough policy to further undermine the upper middle and upper class (but not the apex) before being replaced by the next managed alternative (if it ever morphs to threatening the apex it will be destroyed, much as Stalin was assassinated for increasingly asserting disapproved authority). The apex does not need to win every political battle, it only needs to ensure that no political formation capable of threatening it is permitted to reach sufficient scale and coherence before being redirected, undermined, or absorbed; advances in artificial intelligence have dramatically increased the upper elites’ ability to undermine threats and advance their agenda by increasing the variety of information they can assess (Ashby’s law). That is not a counsel of despair, it is a structural description of how the system maintains itself, and accurate description is the precondition for any response more useful than the managed ones on offer. Meanwhile, the Rothschild neoliberal feudalism noose continues to tighten worldwide, and in Canada leaders can now force dissidents off the internet permanently without a warrant or oversight at whim.

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1

Per City Journal: “Electing more DSA candidates to office would translate into easier and broader implementation of similar policies pushed by the group: even higher taxes on top earners (an already disastrous experiment in California), expanded environmental regulations that may come at the expense of blue-collar employment, reduced funding for policing, the expansion of sanctuary policies, and further efforts at decarceration. It would also likely include additional “affordable housing” measures that risk constraining supply and increasing overall market costs. In effect, without meaningful checks, these policies could compound and place significant strain on the city’s fiscal and economic stability, while also contributing to a broader cultural shift that cultivates contempt for capitalism and American exceptionalism—positions associated with the DSA.”

2

In every major civilizational transition, the ruling elite has weaponized the society’s most sensitive internal fracture as the vehicle for redistributive control. In Rome, the fracture was class and material deprivation; Christianity provided a spiritual hierarchy that inverted earthly status – the poor in spirit inherit the kingdom, the rich man passes through the eye of the needle – while the material order remained largely intact. In the Russian Empire, the fracture was class and economic serfdom; communism promised the abolition of class hierarchy while installing a new administrative class that was more extractive than the old. In the contemporary West, the fracture is race – the historical guilt of colonialism and slavery, the demographic churn of mass immigration, the educational narrative of systemic oppression – and the DSA represents the political vehicle that promises to resolve this fracture through redistribution while leaving the actual apex of wealth untouched. Each iteration presents itself as liberation while performing the same structural function: absorbing popular resentment, extracting resources from the middle tiers, and centralizing power at the apex under a new legitimating narrative. The label is inflammatory, but the pattern is historical.

3

Small and mid sized business were forcibly shut down while multinational organizations continued to operate; $13 trillion dollars was printed with the vast majority of it funneled to the ultra-rich.

4

The three features are explained in detail in Part 1. The key distinction is that this is a structural argument about selection pressure, not an ethnic argument about Jewish control. Elites of any background seeking maximum legitimation efficiency would converge on this framework.

5

“Paul Warburg arranged the 1929 stock market crash; first he advised all member banks to get out of the stock market or sell it short on March 9, 1929, then on October 24 the Federal Reserve Bank suddenly increased the rediscount rate to 6%, thousands of orders hit the exchange to sell “at market”, and six days later the Federal Reserve Bank ordered the contraction of brokers’ loans in the amount of $2.3 million, the combination of which caused the crash. Congressman Louis T. McFadden stated “It was a carefully contrived occurrence. The international [central] bankers sought to bring about a condition of despair so that they might emerge as the rulers of us all.””

6

As argued previously, my working assumption is that there is and was a backroom deal made in early 2024; all of Trump’s criminal and civil trials magically disappeared after Ron Desantis flamed out in his presidential run, and after his victory he immediately gutted enforcement agencies and engaged in a multi-billion dollar cryptocurrency graft, pay-for-play presidential pardons, and massive, billions of dollars worth of insider stock market trading. He also reached a “deal” with the IRS where the IRS never audit his actions in the future. In return for this intense criminal bribery he agreed to destroy the right-wing populist movement and further the Greater Israel project.

7

I think of Breitbart.com, controlled by Steve Bannon during the 2016 election, who turned out to be deeply embedded within the Jeffrey Epstein nexus; or consider the John Birsch society, seen as radically anti-establishment during the Vietnam War, where its co-founder Revilo P. Oliver bitterly complained that its head Robert Welch reported to Zionist handlers, while Welch’s apparently non-controlled successor Larry McDonald was blown out of the sky by the Soviets, I assume under the orders of the upper elites.

8

Mullins wrote that the central bank owners

adopted the Hegelian dialectic, the dialectic of materialism, which regards the World as Power, and the World as Reality. It denies all other powers and all other realities. It functions on the principle of thesis, antithesis and a synthesis…Thus the World Order organizes and finances Jewish groups; it then organizes and finances anti-Jewish groups; it organizes Communist groups; it then organizes and finances anti-Communist groups. It is not necessary for the Order to throw these groups against each other; they seek each other out like heat-seeking missiles and try to destroy each other. By controlling the size and resources of each group, the World Order can always predetermine the outcome. In this technique, members of the World Order are often identified with one side or the other. John Foster Dulles arranged financing for Hitler, but he was never a Nazi. David Rockefeller may be cheered in Moscow, but he is not a Communist…a distinguishing trait of a member of the World Order, although it may not be admitted, is that he does not believe in anything but the World Order. Another distinguishing trait is his absolute contempt for anyone who actually believes in the tenets of Communism, Zionism, Christianity, or any national, religious or fraternal group…If you are a sincere Christian, Zionist or Moslem, the World Order regards you as a moron unworthy of respect. You can and will be used, but you will never be respected.

9

He wrote: “Globohomo has two main camps, the “left” open borders types and the “right” comically Zionist types. The right is having its turn with Trump, a gigantic corrupt Zionist puppet. Next turn will be the left open borders crowd. They already had four years of totally open borders under Biden, illegals all waved in like a third base coach and provided tons of free benefits, extreme overcrowding in cities, I think many people have already forgotten. So when they get to go again they’re going to take the anti white rhetoric to unseen new extreme heights, and go to increase the size and power of government regarding confiscation of private property. The best way to make this look legitimate to the masses is through this narrative that traditional Democrats are losing power to the “progressives” and this is being fueled grassroots from disaffected young people tired of the old corrupt democrat establishment. So globohomo is pouring resources to prop up these “progressives” aka DSA types all over the country.”

10

The forced sale of TikTok was not meant to entirely purge anti-semitism from the platform, but rather to give increased control to the upper elites who could decide how fast or slow to ratchet it for their purposes. The same applies to the universities forced into line with $100 million of “pro bono” legal aid provided by top law firms to pressure them.

11

As argued here, I do not believe I am special or better than the masses for offloading the crucifixion of opposites and being distracted by sound and fury. The reason for this is that the offloading frees up massive psychic space to focus on living life and other activities; holding the crucifixion of opposites internally is massively energy intensive and I wouldn’t be doing it if the psychosomatic buildup in my body didn’t require me to, based on threshold dynamics.

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Thumbnail Green
Thumbnail Green
3 days ago

Thank you for this, Hermes. And yes as a resident of Australia and dissident thinker and Musician I have been forced off Substack and appreciate you still reaching my email inbox very much. I agree with what you’ve written wholeheartedly. I have my own specific strategy to personally counter these social and economic structures but psychologically losing the personal and intellectual connections I had made on the Internet has been challenging but that said although I’m an extrovert by nature I am able to bear the burden of isolation and I am still grounded in my physical world thanks again.

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